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Trusting Family Networks in Gaining Employment
by Paul Dennis Sporer
It is self-evident that jobs are dedicated to making money and attaining respect. The individual seeks to find the best job that would fit his talents, and thus would give him respect in the eyes of others. Further, the individual who is dedicated to fulfilling a Mission in life, looks upon an occupation as a 'medium', one of the ingredients which he mixes with his ideological colours, that reflect his morality, ethics, and virtue, that inspire others to visualise equally. However, often individuals must depend upon the use of others to obtain such positions. Family members and their friends, through the implication of mutual support and enhancement, claim to provide many connections, but such connections might be restricted by various factors. How much can the individual trust in the use of these connections for the benefit of his life mission, in providing otherwise unavailable resources? An occupation is highly valuable as one means through which an ideological position can be made apparent to many other people.
At the present time, there is great competition for positions in every Western economy. Christians who are just beginning their careers must survey the economic markets carefully, and in addition to their education, must use whatever associations are available to them. Even for those who are advanced into their careers, occupationally relevant linkages can be important. It is clear from ordinary observation that often times, connections are more important than merit is gaining positions and promotions.
Two kinds of social networks of labour market information are described in the literature: gift networks (family and friends) and request networks (teachers and employers). Informal networks that are used a social resources can be further broken down into 'strong' relationships (family and friends) or 'weak' ones (acquaintances, neighbours, and colleagues).
Informal networks are the most common and thus should be of universal interest. The importance of shaping attitudes to the fourth sphere of economy was illustrated in a study where sociology students were put into a game to personally experience 'structural constraints' to getting a job and succeeding. The game was offered to present society as a string of informal networks and to demonstrate the importance of personal connections in obtaining jobs. Students learned about the structural determinants of occupational stratification and had developed feelings of empathy for minorities. (1)
The most common informal network is that of family. Family assistance is crucial to all children in finding ways to deal with society. One might say: 'Ultimately, social behaviors are determined by economic position, cultural characteristics, and marital and family statuses, which determine associates and the social worlds inhabited. Therefore, children are affected by family functioning that is tied to structural statuses and life cycle events'. (2)
Yet, there are surprisingly few studies about the extent to which school entrance, jobs and status positions are obtained through connections of the family and their friends and other relatives.
The studies often refer either to the situation of immigrants forming new communities in the Western World using informal networks, or to situations outside the Western World where elite groups attempt to maintain or extend their power, thus subverting formal networks. However, even then, the focus is not on the value and use of the connections. For example, the 1994 Brazilian elections were marked by a concern for honesty in government following the impeachment of President Fernando Collor de Mello. Perhaps because of this cultural shift, women thought it time to run for office, who are viewed (in this case and in many others) as 'untainted' by the political system. Nonetheless, many female candidates entered the political race due to family connections. Yet, there was no unified feminist theme to the women's campaigns, with only some arguing on behalf of the women's rights movement; other simply evaded the issue of gender or presented a more conservative demeanour by stressing the importance of families to their lives. Yet, the campaign literature of many women did focus on proving their intellectual fitness for the post they sought, even though they obviously outclassed their male competitors in this area. (3) Thus, the issue of corruption of the system is put aside, since there is a relativistic moral attitude towards it: connections are bad if conservatives use it to hold power, but they are good if they allow liberals to attain government positions.
In countries with economic recession and poor job prospects, many young people remain students and extend their studies, rather than enter the work force. In such economic situations, most jobs by young people are found through family and friends rather than public channels. Those who live in resource poor, isolated regions, with a limited occupational medium, tend to have lower satisfaction with their work, and are more distrustful of others. (4)
Colleges clearly provide many resources that can be used to build up an occupational medium to hold ideological colours, yet many do make good use of these resources. Most students (75%) relied entirely on family, friends, and personal contacts for information on vacancies and salaries for jobs in their chosen fields. Students select a college major without taking into account the marketability of their degrees upon graduation and do not investigate official projections of employment in specific occupations, nor their wages. Nonetheless, about half of students claim they chose a particular major because it was job-oriented, although one-fifth admit that they did so because they enjoyed the subject in high school or college. Many believe a major will furnish them with a wide choice of future occupations, despite what the data might say. The College faculty and College placement offices were each used by a third of the students. Nearly all students were not aware that information is published regularly about the labour market for specific occupations. When the student is about to enter the labour force, he often does not wish to expend much time, money or effort discovering the truth about the economic markets, using only low cost and consequently, limited value information. (5)
Certain common assumptions about demographic factors do not hold in the use of networks. For example, gender does not appear to be a differentiating factor. Men receive more information from informal and formal networks than women, although this does not necessarily lead to better or higher paying jobs. For both men and women, obtaining a first job through formal channels (for example, writing letters of application) can lead to significantly higher level jobs than using informal means. (6) Hence, we see that informal networks have limited functionality in one's early career history.
However, one demographic factor, that of status, most assuredly does a major impact on finding employment. Individuals with lower levels of occupational status find jobs through informal networks of family, friends, and acquaintances. For example, nearly 50% of black adults with upper primary jobs first became employed through informal networks. Heavy reliance on informal networks does bring better employment, with the inherent drawback that the networks are often confined to the an ethnic community, which often does not have as much access to desirable jobs as the dominant ethnic community. (7)
Often times members of lower income groups do not have viable support of informal networks, if they are perceived as violating a role norm, such as motherhood. Inner-city student mothers have become an important part of college populations, and their educational aspirations are often misunderstood or unsupported by family, friends, and college administrations. On-site child care allows student mothers to take substantially greater advantage of their educational experience and is a highly satisfactory intervention that recognized their special needs. (8)
When we look into the relative level of resources of the family, we see that the effectiveness of informal, family networks various, with those not from the upper class not benefiting as much. Informal social networks are used to stop declassement (social degradation), thus upper class families are accorded professional positions higher than their individual merit would warrant. Resource rich individuals without graduate degrees use the social and cultural resources of their families to maintain themselves in the upper levels of the occupational hierarchy. Further, if such an individual had a poor scholastic record and began work in a low status job, promotions that made him 'rise through the ranks' was considerably facilitated by family connections. Those individuals from resource poor families who desire high professional status can still do so, but they must have higher degrees than those of other classes or 'fight their way up' inside the firm. People's inner motivations shows how orientation towards the occupational medium might be a factor in the use of family connections. Those individuals with multiple and manifold family resources insisted that they cultivated an 'ideology of effort and merit', and are generally not economically motivated in their choice of occupation. A mixture of ideological and ethical attitudes appeared in upper class persons, possibly stemming from an ambiguous position between achievement and merit. However, individuals with resource poor families unequivocally declared that they chose their field for financial and material reasons. (9) Those from the higher income and status categories can afford to be ideological, though they do not necessarily become so. Further, 'achievement' is more than what is done on the job, but is really what happens throughout life. The better educated and better supported members of society might use connections in order to gain good jobs, but then become involved in other ways that would meet their definition of 'achievement'.
However, in the area of lifelong career mobility, high status job changers were likely to profit from non-intimate social relations, whereas lower status individuals do not seem to benefit from such relationships. (10) Most top managers find their jobs through informal networks, particularly if they possess more social capital (external work contacts, memberships). Social capital has a significant independent influence on income, net of human capital (education, experience) and position level (number of subordinates).
Education and prior experience, variables that are usually cited as having the most impact in a 'fair society' in obtaining employment, have the expected significance, but social contacts must be taken into account. Human capital and social capital appear to interact in the income attainment process, but social capital does not multiply the returns on human capital. Rather, returns on education and experience decreases if managers are equipped with a larger volume of work contacts and memberships, and returns on education and experience were largest on the lowest levels of contacts and memberships. (11) Thus, in the domain of upper management, education and experience produced large returns, when work contacts are hardly useful, and plentiful work contacts reduced the effectiveness of education and work. The two forces - education and contacts - seem to counteract or at least be in competition with each other. Perhaps, when the individual realises that work contacts and memberships and social contacts are weak, then he focusses more on his experiences and leverages his education. However, social contacts, when they significant enough to be effective, reduce the importance of education and experience. Either the individual does not have the time, nor the inclination to pursue gaining returns from all resources simultaneously: education, experience, work contacts, memberships, friendships, etc. This would not seem likely, though, as it is foolish to waste the resources one has; no one can claim to have too many contacts, or too much experience or education. Rather, it is more likely that there is a conscious choice WHICH resources to use, and many see intellectual resources as fundamentally different from people resources. It might also be linked to predisposition: introvert versus extrovert. One must not be confused on this point: it is essential that all resources are utilised as much as possible, and that there is no accidental preference of one form or another. Of course, the individual's temperament must be taken into account, but as much as possible, there must be a consistent global survey and use of resources.
The Christian can see, that utilising networks into which his parents, relatives and their associates have tapped, is an aid in getting first employment, but is more efficient in obtaining promotions and later job moves, especially in the higher status realms. If he is part of a more limited group, which experiences social isolation, then personal networks might be the only real source of opportunities, but he should still utilise whatever formal networks are available. Further, the 'strength of weak ties' of informal networks is more limited than might be thought; formal networks have their place and can be very useful, especially to those who come from middle or lower class families.
In the most resource rich of occupational mediums, there is still a widespread use of connections. Even in 'democratic' systems, where supposedly merit is rewarded and corruption nearly impossible, there is a dependency on using informal networks for procuring candidates to positions. For example, it was found that a significant number of American Presidents were related, the upper class was overrepresented among these relatives, and a higher proportion of upper class presidents were related than non-upper class ones. It is clear that historically the higher social echelon families in America have provided a disproportionate share of national leadership. (12) We can see that the upper classes benefit more than other classes from connections, probably because they have more such connections, due to business dealings and intermarriage. Such connections lead to positions of power and privilege, which in turn give one access to candidacy for public office. Although theoretically anyone can run for office in a democracy, the money, recommendations, public and private support necessary for success must come from those already in power for a candidate's name to be promoted effectively. In essence, we return to the original issue of the elite using informal networks to enhance and extend their power.
Obtaining a resource rich occupational medium appears in every market to be dependent on utilising an informal network of connections. Yet, note that upper class people frequently have ideological goals, not present in the other classes. The latter are more money orientated, and they call upon connections only when academic aspects are not good enough to secure a higher job. This does not necessarily mean that they are less competent in that job. Thus, a modification in life goals that for whatever reason makes one too 'people orientated' (extroverted), and not self-growth orientated, causes one to lose momentum of principles. One should not depend too much on connections, but rather spend energy in the endeavour to maximise the use of education and experience, which in the long run, are more rewarding, both personally and professionally.
We must urge the Christian, who by nature is actively committed with strong vision and standards, to take whatever opportunities exist at his local level, in the community, in school, in organisations, in order to cultivate his connections to reach higher ranking positions. However, we caution not to waste too much time in such pursuits, when the available connections produce little fruit. If connections are already available from the parents and other relatives, then it makes sense to explore such avenues, as the cost of such a venture is low. Most importantly, merit always DOES count, and excellent work, dedication, morality and ethics do make a lasting impression. These factors alone can often secure good jobs and institutional positions.
Finally, if the connections proffered by family and relatives, and the friends of family and relatives, are inadequate, and connections with personal acquaintances are unstable or too costly, then the seeking connections with other Christians becomes imperative.
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1. Groves, Julian McAllister; Warren, Charles; Witschger, Jerome. Reversal of Fortune: A Simulation Game for Teaching Inequality in the Classroom. Teaching Sociology, 1996, 244, Oct, 364-371. Game used 1992 to 142 students at a predominantly white, middle-class college in the southern US. No statistically significant relationship was found between the students' evaluation and year in college, gender, or race.
2. Fischer, C. S. (1984). The urban experience. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
3. Pinto, Celi Regina Jardim. Housewives, Mothers, Feminists, Fighters: Women in the 1994 Brazilian Elections. [Portuguese]. Estudos Feministas, 1994, 22, 297-312. There were only twelve women candidates for the national senate, twelve for state governor, twelve for vice-governor, and two for vice-president. In the state of Rio Grande do Sul, women made up only 6% of the candidates.
4. Bucchi, Massimiano. Living Conditions and Life Perspectives of Young People in Italy: Some Findings of the Fourth Survey on Italian Youth. DISKURS, 1997, 71, summer, 72-75
Presents selected results of a 1996 national survey of 2,500 Italians, ages 15-29, comparing them with those of similar surveys conducted 1983-1992 to identify political and economic trends.
5. McCrea, Joan. The College Student's Occupational Outlook. Rocky Mountain Social Science Journal, 1974, 113, Oct, 27-36. An attempt was made to measure the extent to which College students know about and take into account the marketability of their expected College degrees. Data were obtained through questionnaires mailed to May 1972 graduates at the U of Texas, Arlington, before and after graduation. The 1st survey sought to determine knowledge about job opportunities, source of information, reasons for selecting a major and occupation, and expectations about future employment and earnings. The 2nd survey reported actual labor market experience 6 months after graduation.
6. Sanders, Karin. The 'Gift' and 'Request' Network. Differences between Women and Men in the Receipt and the Effect of Information concerning the Labour Market. European J of Women's Studies, 1995, 22, May, 205-218. Examines differences in job search behavior between males (Ms) and females (Fs) as an explanation for the gender wage gap, drawing on diary entries from vocational course students (N = 56) concerning what labor market information they acquired and from whom they received it.
7. Taylor, Robert Joseph; Sellers, Sherrill L. Informal Ties and Employment among Black Americans. Chpt in Family Life in Black America, Taylor, Robert Joseph, Jackson, James S., and Chatters, Linda M. Eds , Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1997, pp 146-156. Investigates the role of informal ties in acquiring a job in the African American community, drawing on data from the 1979/80 National Survey of Black Americans (N = 2,107 adults).
8. Gonchar, Nancy. College-Student Mothers and On-Site Child Care: Luxury or Necessity? Social Work in Education, 1995, 174, Oct, 226-234. Described here is the effect of on-campus child care arrangements on a sample of 75 student mothers at Lehman College in New York City.
9. Pitrou, Agnes. The Regaining of One's Former Social Status: The Case of Nongraduated Managers. [French]. Sociologie du Travail, 1977, 191, Jan, 1-22. Questionnaires were administered to 1,200 middle management employees in private industry in 1972.
10. Wegener, Bernd. Social Ties and Career Mobility. [German]. Kolner Zeitschrift fur Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, 1989, 412, June, 270-297. Questionnaire interviews were conducted in 1988 with 604 West Germans who were or had been in paid employment (of 2 age cohorts - 1943-1947 and 1953-1957 - and equally divided between male and female and urban and rural/suburban residence).
11. Boxman, Ed A W; De Graaf, Paul M; Flap, Hendrik D. The Impact of Social and Human Capital on the Income Attainment of Dutch Managers. Social Networks, 1991, 131, Mar, 51-73. Based on 1986/87 mail questionnaire data obtained from 1,359 managers of Dutch firms, the relationship between social and human capital in the income attainment process of managers is investigated.
12. Merlie, Michael P; Silva, Edward T. The first family: presidential kinship and its theoretical implications. The Insurgent Sociologist, 1975, 53, SPR, 149-170. Investigated the class position and family connections of the first 36 US presidents from elite and pluralist theoretical viewpoints. In the process of linking the presidents together, a kinship chart was constructed. Links among presidential kindred were studied to locate the upper class and kin-related families that most exactly approximate the family characteristics of the governing class. Further research is needed to establish more fully the economic position and fortunes of these families over time.
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